SPEECH 


HON.    JOHN    W.    ELLIS, 


DELIVERED   BEFORE   THE 


DEMOCRATIC  STATE   CONVENTION, 


IN   RALEIGH, 


JML  -A.  H.  C  XX     d  ,     X  e  6  O 


EALEIGH: 
STANDARD"      OFFICE     PRINT. 

1860. 


•/ 


SPEECH. 


Mr.  President,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  Convention: 

Your  committee  has  communicated  to  me  the  action  of  the  Convention, 
and  I  am  here  to  express  to  you  my  profound  obligations  for  the  high 
confidence  you  are  pleased  to  repose  in  me.  A  nomination  for  the  office  of 
Governor  of  the  State,  by  this  intelligent  body  of  gentlemen,  is  a  compli- 
ment of  which  any  man  might  justly  feel  proud;  but  when  it  is  recollected 
that  you  are  the  representatives  of  a  great  political  party — expressing 
their  sentiments  and  speaking  their  wishes — your  action  excites  in  me 
emotions  of  gratitude  and  pleasure  to  which  I  can  give  no  adequate  expres- 
sion. 

The  cordial  approval  of  my  administration  of  the  affairs  of  the  State,  as 
expressed  by  this  Convention  and  by  my  fellow-citizens  in  their  primary 
meetings,  is  esteemed  by  me  as  the  most  valuable  reward  of  office,  and,  as 
such,  shall  be  gratefully  cherished  and  remembered. 

And,  Mr.  President,  I  will  take  this  occasion  to  acquit  myself  of  a  debt 
of  gratitude  towards  my  fellow-citizens  of  all  political  parties  in  every  part 
of  the  State,  by  thanking  them  most  sincerely  for  the  generous  indulgence 
received  at  their  hands  while  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties.  It  is 
true,  my  action  has  at  times  been  misunderstood,  and  occasionally  mis- 
represented, but  of  these  things  I  make  no  complaint,  well  knowing  that 
they  are  almost  inseparable  from  that  rigid  scrutiny  to  which  the  conduct 
of  all  public  servants  is  rightfully  subjected  at  the  bar  of  public  opinion. 

I  accept,  gentlemen,  your  nomination,  and  with  it  the  responsibilities 
and  burthens  it  imposes ;  and  I  shall  undertake  the  duties  of  this  position 
with  a  deep  and  solemn  conviction  that  they  were  never  more  vitally 
responsible  than  in  the  present  juncture  of  public  affairs. 

Sixteen  years  ago,  in  this  Hall,  I  participated  in  the  first  political  meeting 
s  of  my  life,  and,  like  this,  it  was  a  Democratic  Convention;  but  in  every 
other  respect,  how  widely  different  the  circumstances  that  now  surround 
us !  Then,  we  had  two  great  national  parties,  each  with  an  organization 
extending  to  every  State  in  the  Union ;  now,  we  have  but  one  national 
party, — the  other  great  political  organization  of  the  country  being  so 
exclusively  sectional  as  not  to  be  able  to  procure  a  single  vote  in  one  entire 
«,H     section  of  country  embracing  an  area  of  850  thousand  square  miles.     Then, 

»     the  subjects  of  controversy  between  the  two  parties  were  merely  questions 

9% 

•4 

0 


of  domestic  policy,  important  it  is  true,  but  not  vital;  now.  questions 
affecting  our  liberties  as  a  people,  and,  it  may  be,  our  existence  as  a  nation, 
are  under  discussion. 

Upon  these  questions  the  parties  are  arrayed,  and  the  contest  approaches. 
Upon  the  one  side  the  Democratic  party,  buoyant  with  the  recollection  of 
many  victories  gained  in  the  cause  of  the  country ;  on  the  other  Freesoilers, 
black  Eepublicans  and  Abolitionists,  consolidated  and  combined.  These, 
sir,  are  the  two  great  contending  political  forces  that  divide  the  country. 
All  others  are  mere  political  atoms,  that  cannot  and  will  not  be  felt,  except 
so  far  as  they  may  affect  the  contest  between  the  two  main  organizations. 

Such,  gentlemen,  are  the  parties  to  the  contest.  The  issue  between  them 
should  be  clearly  understood,  especially  here  at  the  South.  I  assert,  and 
shall  maintain  it  with  the  proofs,  that  this  issue  is,  whether  African  slavery 
shall  be  abolished  h^re  in  the  States,  where  it  now  exists  ?  Let  us  not  be 
deceived  upon  this  point.  Men  may  talk  about  our  rights  in  the  territories, 
but  depend  upon  it  they  are  not  the  questions  now  in  issue.  The  abolition 
of  slavery  here  at  home  is  the  design  of  our  opponents.  This  is  the  bond 
that  cements  all  the  anti-slavery  elements  in  one  solid  column  against 
us. 

What  says  Wm.  H.  Seward,  above  all  others,  the  true  exponent  of  the 
sentiments  of  the  abolition  party: — u  The  party  of  freedom  seelcs  complete 
and  universal  emancipation.  *  *  *  *  It  (slavery)  can  lie  and 
must  he  abolished,  and  you  and  I  can  and  must  do  it.  *  *  *  * 
It  requires  only  to  follow  this  simple  rule  of  action :  To  do  ereryichen 
and  on  every  occasion  'what  we  can,  and  not  to  neglect  or  refuse  to  do 
what  we  can  at  any  time,  because  at  that  precise  time  and  on  that 
particular  occasion,  we  cannot  do  more."  Everywhere,  and  upon  all 
occasions,  in  power  and  out  of  power,  this  man  and  his  party  seek,  in  his 
own  language,  "complete  and  universal  emancipation."  Can  proof  be 
clearer  or  evidence  more  convincing  ? 

Of  the  same  tenor  is  the  notorious  Rochester  speech  of  this  man, 
delivered  ten  years  after  the  sentiment  quoted:  " It  is  an  irrepresssble 
conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring  forces;  and  it  means  that  the 
United  States  must  and  will,  sooner  or  later,  become  either  entirely  a 
slaveholding  nation,  or  entirely  a  free  labor  nation."  Here,  sir,  is  the 
bold  announcement  that  a  state  of  hostilities  exists  between  the  North  and 
the  South,  which  shall  not  cease  until  the  one  party  or  the  other  be  con- 
quered, and  trodden  under  the  feet  of  the  victor.  It  is  a  declaration  of 
war  against  the  South  by  this  man  and  his  partizans.  Give  them  power 
and  it  will  be  used  in  the  prosecution  of  that  war.  Your  Army,  Navy, 
and  a  hundred  million  of  revenue  annually,  and  as  much  more  as  they 
may  choose  to  extort  from  the  people,  will  all  be  directed  against  this 
devoted  people. 

But  is  it  perfectly  certain  that  Seward  speaks  the  sentiments  of  his  party  ? 


4 


The  proof  upon  this  point  too,  is  clear  and  conclusive.  In  a  book  of 
infamous  notoriety,  which  has  received  the  full  and  complete  approval  of 
the  black  Republican  party,  and  is  now  circulated  by  them  as  a  campaign 
document,  is  this  sentiment,  among  others,  equally  treasonable :  "  Our 
purpose  is  as  firmly  fixed  as  the  eternal  pillars  of  Heaven.  We  have 
determined  to  abolish  slavery,  and  so  help  us  God  abolish  it  we  will" 

A  Senator  of  the  Empire  State  of  the  Union,  under  his  own  hand,  en- 
dorses this  book,  after  a  careful  perusal ;  a  Governor  of  the  same  State 
contributes  $100  towards  its  circulation  here  among  the  best  customers 
of  his  people.  This  shame,  brought  upon  the  Empire  State  by  unworthy 
sons  and  faithless  public  officers,  is  destined,  I  trust,  to  be  gloriously  wiped 
out  by  the  Democracy  in  the  coming  contest,  when  the  land  of  Silas 
Wright  will  once  more  stand  proudly  forth  among  the  States  of  the  Union, 
without  a  spot  or  a  stain  upon  her  escutcheon. 

Is  further  proof  wanted  of  the  designs  of  these  men  ?  Does  the  tragedy 
of  Harper's  Ferry  teach  us  nothing  ?  when  traitors  and  assassins  found 
men  to  lament  their  failure  and  mourn  their  discomfiture ;  when  the  graves 
of  executed  felons  drew  forth  copious  tears,  as  though  one  distinguished 
for  patriotic  service  to  the  country  had  fallen ! 

But  the  apologists  of  this  man  Seward  and  his  followers,  boast  that  we 
have  Constitutional  guaranties  that  will  protect  our  property,  even  though 
he  or  one  of  his  associates  be  elected  President  and  the  Abolitionists  placed 
in  power.  What,  the  Constitution  stand  in  the  way  of  the  Abolitionists ! 
What  says  this  same  Mr.  Seward  on  that  point  ?  Hear  his  admonitions 
to  some  of  his  more  innocent  followers,  wdio  really  thought,  in  the  sim- 
plicity of  their  hearts,  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  did  possess 
some  binding  force :  "  Correct  your  oion  error  that  slavery  has  any  Consti- 
tutional guaranty  which  may  not  be  released  and  ought  not  to  be  relin- 
quished." Think  you  that  the  Constitution  would  bind  the  conscience  of 
a  man  entertaining  such  sentiments?  Does  not  all  the  world  know,  too, 
that  one  of  the  cardinal  articles  of  the  Abolition  creed  is,  that  there  is  a  law 
higher  than  the  Constitution,  which  claims  their  first  allegiance  ?  Have 
not  more  than  a  dozen  States,  where  these  men  now  predominate,  adopted  laws 
nullifying  an  important  clause  of  the  Constitution  ?  Can  we  hope  that 
men  will  respect  our  rights  of  property,  who  incite,  aid  and  abet  the  mur- 
derers of  our  citizens  ?  Expect  assassins  to  keep  faith  or  traitors  to  ob- 
serve oaths  ?  Let  us  not  be  deceived,  my  fellow-citizens,  in  a  matter  so 
nearly  affecting  our  personal  security  and  most  sacred  rights. 

But  how,  it  is  asked,  will  these  men  carry  out  their  Abolition  designs  if 
placed  in  power ?  Let  their  own  great  leader  answer:  " By  doing  every- 
where, and  on  every  occasion,  what  we  can."  Fraud  and  force  would  be 
their  favorite  means.  Secret  encouragement  and  open  aid  to  assassins  like 
John  Brown,  with  an  assurance  of  protection  in  case  of  failure, — just  such 
protection,  except  on  a  larger  scale,  as  the  black  Republican  Governor  of 


6 

towa  gave  to  one  of  the  Harper*  s  Ferry  conspirators.  What  has  been  done 
may  be  done  again.  Money  and  arms  have  already  been  plentifully  con- 
tributed, as  we  know,  to  this  purpose.  Men  in  high  places  aided  the  trea- 
sonable  enterprises  of  John  Brown.  Senator  Wilson,  ot  Massachusetts, 
admits— not,  however,  until  the  fact  was  proved  by  other  testimony — that 
he  knew  that  John  Brown  entertained  lawless  and  treasonable  designs 
against  the  Southern  States,  and  though  disapproving,  yet  he  concealed  it 
from  the  country.  This,  gentlemen,  is  the  case  of  a  man  who  comes  to 
you  and  tells  3rou  he  intends  to  murder  your  neighbor  at  the  hour  of  mid- 
night, when  asleep  in  his  bed,  and  to  despoil  him  of  his  property.  Could 
you  justify  yourselves  before  your  own  consciences  and  your  God  by 
simply  telling  the  assassin  it  is  wrong,  and  failing  to  warn  your  neighbor 
of  the  impending  danger?  How  much  more  innocent  is  the  conduct  of 
such  a  man  than  that  of  the  murderer  himself?  Yet  such  is  the  conduct 
of  Senator  Wilson. 

Senator  Seward  was  an  accessory  before  the  fact  to  the  transaction,  and 
'as  such,  could  be  convicted,  upon  the  testimony  of  his  accomplice,  before 
any  fair-minded  and  honest  jury  in  Christendom.  Just  such  testimony 
has  sent  many  a  man  to  the  gallows  here  in  North-Carolina.  Forbes  ac- 
quainted him  with  the  "whole  matter  in  all  its  bearings,"  as  he  says;  yet 
he  concealed  it.  A  Senator  of  the  United  States,  sworn  to  support  the 
Constitution  of  his  country,  harbors  in  the  secret  recesses  of  his  bosom,  a 
plot  of  treason  against  that  country  and  of  murder  against  its  citizens ! 
Yet,  this  is  the  man  whom  the  black  Republicans  would  make  President 
With  his  hands  reeking  in  the  blood  of  murdered  citizens,  and  the  dark 
stains  of  perjury  thick  upon  him,  they  would  place  him  in  the  Chair  of 
Washington,  and  clothe  him  with  the  mantle  of  the  immortal  Father  of  his 
'Country. 

This  shame,  my  fellow-citizens,  must  never  come  upon  the  country.  No, 
never,  never.  This  bold,  bad  man,  with  his  partizans,  must  be  beaten 
•down  and  crushed  out,  and  the  Democratic  party  can  and  must  do  it. 
Keeping  our  eyes  steadily  fixed  upon  the  true  issue  involved — whether 
slavey  is  to  be  abolished  here  in  the  South, — and  animated  by  a  full  sense 
of  the  danger  that  threatens  the  country,  we  will  go  into  the  battle  under 
the  flag  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union — a  flag  that  has  never  yet  sus 
tained  dishonor  or  defeat  at  the  hands  of  arxy  foe — and  depend  upon  it  our 
victory  will  be  as  complete  and  as  brilliant  as  our  cause  is  just  rnd 
Tighteous. 

But  in  this  vital  struggle,  we,  strangely  enough,  meet  with  obstacles  here 
;at  home.  Our  opponents  here  affect  to  doubt  the  soundness  of  Northern 
Democrats,  our  allies,  on  the  slavery  question.  I  should  be  most  reluctant 
to  believe  this  charge  to  be  true ;  for  then,  irdeed,  would  the  last  hope  of 
this  country  have  deserted  her.  No,  sir,  it  is  not  true.  If  there  are  any 
men  who  deserve  praise  above  others  for  remaining  faithful  to  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  country,  they  are  the  noble  Democracy  of  the  Northern  States. 


7 

"With  no  pecuniary  intent  involved, — 'With  no  rights  of  property  at  stake.- — 
without  even  the  greetings  of  popular  applause  to  reward  them, — surround- 
ed by  adversaries  on  all  sicEsg,,  they  BtanftrlTy  maintain  the  unequal  contest ; 
against  detraction  and  abuse-=against  fanaticism  in  all  its  fierce  and  fearfui 
forms,  they  bravely  fight  the  battle  ®t  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
We,  the  Democrats  of  North-Carolina,,  greet  them  this  day,  before  the 
world,  as  worthy  allies  in  a  great  eatise.- 

Allow  me,  Mr.  President,  to  call  four  attention  to  a  practical  illustration* 
of  the  difference  between  a  Northern  Democrat  and  a  black  Republican. 
Gov.  Packer,  of  Pennsylvania,  surrendered  one  of  the  Harper's  Ferry  trai- 
itors,  promptly,  upon  the  demand  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  He  is  a 
Democrat.  Gov.  Kirkwood,  of  Iowa,  refused  to-  surrender,  upon  demand, 
.one  of  the  same  conspirators,  but  gave  him  shelter  and  protection.  He  is 
a  black  Republican.  The  one  obeyed  his  oath  of  office  as  an  honest  man, 
the  other  perjured  himself  before  his  country  and  his  God.  This,  then,. 
sie  the  wide  difference  between  a  Northern  Democrat  and  an  abolitionist. 
And  he  who  professes  not  to  see  it,  in  the  face  of  evidence  so  plain,  should 
,not  complain,  if  he  himself  incurs  the  suspicion  of  an  ©bfiuseness  of  vision 
upon  this  slavery  question. 

Another  prediction  of  our  opponents  here  is,  that  we  will  differ  and  divide 
in  the  Charleston  convention,  and  thus  be  shorn  of  our  power  to  defeat  the 
abolitionists ;  the  last  thing  in  the  world  we  intend  to  do.  Differ,  we  offer* 
do,  but  divide  never.  The  word  divide  is  not  to  be  found  in  all  the  great 
dictionary  of  the  Democratic  language.  It  only  occurs  here  an«t  there  in< 
some  fugitive  productions  that  have  no  rank  among  the  standard  works  of 
our  political  literature.  Our  opponents  seem  utterly  unable  to  comprehend 
the  nature  of  our  political  organization ;  we  are  a  party  based  upon  principle,, 
and  have  no  power  to  divide. 

And,  gentlemen  of  the  Opposition,  let  me  say  to  you  here,  now,  that 
those  of  you  who  build  your  hopes  of  preferment  upon  expected  divisions 
■in  the  Democratic  party,  have  a  long  and  lonely  road  to  travel  before 
reaching  your  destination. 

Why  divide  ?  Oh !  it  is  said  we  differ  about  certain  questions  out  in  the 
territories.  True  it  is  we  differ  as  to  the  proper  construction  of  a  law  of 
Congress.  And  we  have  agreed  in  that  law  itself  to  submit  that  question 
•of  difference  to  the  determination  of  the  Supreme  Court;  a  tribunal  erected 
by  the  Constitution  expressly  to  perform  such  duties.  No  true  Democrat 
fears  to  submit  any  mere  .legal  question^  as  this  is,  to  the  decision  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  no  true  Democrat  can  refuse  to  enforce  its  decisions 
When  made ;  and  that,  too,  with  all  the  powers  of  the  government,  when- 
ever their  exercise  may  become  necessary  to  this  end.  He  who  would 
resist  or  evade  such  decisions  is  not  only  a  bad  Democrat,  but  a  dangerous 
-citizen.     No,  gentlemen,  there  will  be  no  division  at  Charleston. 

The  peace  of  the  country  requires  the  black  Republican  party  to  be 
overthrown,  and  there  is  ©o  political  organization  that  can  do  it  but  the 


8 


Democratic  party.  The  country,  then,  demands  the  united  services  of  all 
Democrats,  and  depend  upon  it,  as  ever  heretofore  it  will  have  them. 
Wherever,  throughout  our  broad  domain,  waves  the  flag  of  the  Republic, 
there  will  be  seen  Democrats  shoulder  to  shoulder,  resisting  in  solid  column 
the  reckless  assailants  who  would  tear  down  and  desecrate  this  emblem 
of  our  national  liberties. 

Yet,  in  view  of  the  plain  facts  of  our  situation,  an  effort  is  being  made 
to  organize  another  political  power,  which  effort,  it  must  be  confessed, 
borders  rather  on  the  ludicrous^  considering  the  very  serious  nature  of  the 
subject.  A  few  respectable  gentlemen,  who  in  times  past,  held  high  offices 
in  the  government ;  politicians  of  a  former  generation,  nearly  all  of  whom 
long  years  since  having  selected  an  involuntary  retirement  into  the  "  bosoms 
of  their  families,"  where  only,  it  is  said,  true  contentment  is  to  be  found, 
assemble  in  the  City  of  Washington,  and  gravely  undertake  to  set  up  and 
knock  down  political  organizations  just  as  boys  toss  about  their  jack  straws. 

It  may  be  that  these  gentlemen  were  not  animated  by  a  desire  for  office, 
yet,  when  we  look  at  their  acts,  we  can  scarcely  resist  the  suspicion  that 
they  at  least  still  have  pleasant  recollections  of  the  times  when  the  robes 
of  high  office  encircled  them.  Doubtless  when  assembled  in  conclave  in 
the  Federal  City — the  theatre  of  their  former  grandeur — and  looking  each 
other  in  the  face,  they  thought  of  the  past  and  all  its  glories, — the  halcyon 
days  that  were  no  more,  and  indulged  in  the  reveries  of  the  poet : 

"  Sweet  memory,  wafted  by  thy  gentle  gale, 

Oft  up  the  stream  of  time  I  turn  my  sail 
To  view  the  fairy  haunts  of  long  lost  hours, 

Blest  with  far  greener  shades,  far  fresher  flowers." 

But,  it  is  said,  actions  speak  louder  than  words ; — let  them  speak  in  this 
case.  These  venerable  gentlemen  and  ancient  politicians,  in  a  lengthy 
address  of  much  sound  and  little  substance,  bearing  the  charmed  date  of  the 
22d  February — of  course  they  meant  no  appeal  to  popular  prejudices — 
seriously  propose  to  their  followers  throughout  the  country  to  send  up  to 
their  national  Convention  two  nominees  for  the  Presidency  from  each  State. 
Great  Heavens !  a  party  with  sixty-six  candidates  for  the  Presidency !  and 
that,  too,  a  young  party!  aye,  a  small  select  party! — and  yet  these  are 
the  men  who  modestly  charge  the  Democrats  with  a  love  of  office  !  Now, 
gentlemen,  mark  the  sequence  of  events !  No  sooner  had  this  association 
adjourned  than  its  members  fly  off  into  the  States  with  the  lighting  speed 
of  the  railway  and  bravely  commence  the  work  of  what  ? — of  nominating 
each  other  for  the  Presidency !  Already  they  have  conferred  this  honor 
upon  numbers  of  their  body,  and  the  others  are  doubtless  anxiously  await- 
ing their  turn.  It  seems  to  be  a  sort  of  Mutual  Admiration  Society,  en- 
tertaining rather  a  better  opinion  of  themselves  than  of  other  men.  They 
say  that  they  are  anxious  to  save  the  country, — aye,  so  exceedingly  anxious 


that  they  are  unwilling  to  trust  any  one  else  to  be  its  saviour,  except  one 
of  their  own  number ;  upon  the  principle,  I  suppose,  that  when  a  man 
wants  a  thing  well  done  he  must  do  it  himself. 

It  is  a  sort  of  political  lottery  that  has  no  parallel  in  all  the  bogus  lotteries 
that  infest  the  land.  Even  the  great  gift  lottery  itself,  of  which  we  have 
heard  so  much,  pales  before  the  brilliancy  of  this  new  scheme.  I  should 
be  glad  to  find  the  mathematician,  so  proficient  in  his  science  as  to  calcu- 
late the  chances  of  one  of  these  State  nominees  for  the  Presidency.  In  the 
first  place,  the  "Wheel  of  Fortune"  that  turns  out  the  nominee  contains 
sixty-five  blanks  and  one  prize.  Sixty-five  chances  against  one  for  the 
nomination.  And  then  the  "Wheel  of  Fortune"  that  turns  out  the  Presi- 
dent contains,  as  nearly  as  I  can  estimate  in  figures,  about  sixty-five  mil- 
lions of  blanks  and  no  prize  at  all.  This,  sir,  is  the  grand  Presidential 
juggle  of  the  "  United,  Consolidated,  Constitutional,  National,  Union  party!" 
It  presents  one  merit,  at  least,  the  tickets  are  cheap ; — the  State  nominations 
cost  but  little.  Call  you  this  a  party  that  is  to  meet  and  overwhelm  the 
hosts  of  black  Republicanism  ? — this  little  junta  of  antiquated  politicians. 
No,  sir,  it  is  not  a  party,  nor  even  the  fraction  of  a  party ;  it  is  a  joint 
stock  company  of  President  seekers,  nothing  more,  nothing  less.  This 
very  proposition  is  an  insult  to  the  American  people.  They  propose  to 
re-enact  the  miserable  farce  of  1856,  when  Mr.  Fillmore  was  run  as  a  third 
man,  and  got  just  one  small  State  in  the  Union,  and  that  by  brow-beating 
and  skull-breaking,  and  he  the  strongest  man  among  them. 

But  suppose  they  get  one  State  out  of  the  thirty-three,  an  event  scarcely 
within  the  range  of  possibilities, — does  not  every  one  know  it  will  be  taking 
just  that  much  from  the  strength  of  the  opponents  of  the  abolitionists  ? 
This  is  a  party  that  can  certainly  do  no  good,  and  may  do  some  harm.  The- 
people  of  this  country  should  beware  of  a  party  that  possesses  only  the- 
power  of  doing  harm. 

In  conjunction  and  unison  with  the  operations  of  the  Joint  Stock  Com- 
pany at  Washington,  were  the  transactions  of  the  late  Opposition  Conven- 
tion in  this  State.  The  Opposition  Convention  it  is  called,  and  surely  it 
richly  merits  the  name.  It  presents  a  collection  of  opposites,  contrarities, 
antagonisms  and  contradictions,  not  to  be  found  elsewhere,  in  all  the  uncer- 
tain annals  of  politics  and  politicians.  They  resolve  in  favor  of  a  system 
of  ad  valorem  taxation,  and  select  a  gentleman  to  advocate  the  measure 
before  the  people,  who.  but  a  few  months  since,  in  his  solemn  and  sworn 
capacity  as  a  legislator,  recorded  the  convictions  of  his  judgment  against, 
it.  They  propose  a  Convention  to  alter  the  organic  law,  and  nominate  a 
candidate  to  go  before  the  people  and  say  that  it  is  right,  who,  but  a  few 
short  months  since,  said,  under  oath,  that  it  is  torong.  They  place  Mr. 
Pool,  of  1860,  in  direct  opposition  and  hostility  to  Mr.  Pool,,  of  1859.  They 
resolve  warmly  in  favor  of  works  of  internal  improvement,  and  to  prove; 
their  sincerity  to  the  Western  people,  select  a  gentleman  to  advocate  them 
before  the  people,  whose  first  political  success  was  a  triumph  over  a  Dem.- 


JlO 

ocrat  because 'he  had  supported  and  given  existence  and  life  to  these  very 
measures, — a  gentleman  who  has  voted  against  every  Railroad,  in  some 
form,  now  in  course  of  construction,  and  who  never  voted  for,  talked  for,  or 
worked  for,  any  Railroad  that  ever  has  been  built  in  North-Carolina,  or,  in 
my  opinion,  that  ever  will  be  built. 

Conduct  so  extraordinary  as  this,  may  seem  inexplicable  at  the  first 
glance;  but  it  has  its  explanation,  and  I  feel  bound,  in  justice  to  my  Op- 
position friends,  who  are  now  absent,  to  give  it.  You  will  recollect  that 
they  passed  a  similar  resolution  in  1854,  in  favor  of  Railroads,  and  the 
distinguished  General  who  led  their  forces  in  that  contest,  promised  the 
people  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge  that  he  would  "bore  a  hole"  through  that 
mountain,  should  it  cost  "  ten  millions  of  dollars.''''  Now,  it  so  happened, 
"Sn  the  fullness  of  time,"  that  that  redoubtable  General  was  placed  in  a 
situation  to  "bore"  that  long-promised  "hole."  The  augur  was  placed  in 
•his  hands,  and  he  was  requested  to  "bore,"  according  to  contract,  but 
bore  he  would  not— no,  not  one  inch.  From  that  day  to  this,  those  shrewd 
mountaineers  have  somewhat  distrusted  platforms  and  politicians  upon 
this  subject.  And  now,  in  order  to  reassure  them,  to  satisfy  them  fully 
and  entirely  that  they  are  in  earnest,  and  mean  to  carry  out,  without  fail 
and  without  doubt,  their  promises  ,to  construct  Railroads,  our  opponents 
have  selected  a  gentleman  to  execute  these  works  whose  whole  life  has 
been  at  war  with  them,  and  whose  whole  political  course  has  been  one  of 
unmitigated  and  unbending  opposition  to  them.  But,  despair  not,  ye  long- 
guffering  men  beyond  the  mountains  \  This  paradox  is  explained  upon 
the  principle  that  the  Opposition  party  of  North-Carolina,  like  dreams,  "go 
by  contraries." 

Tn  the  fourth  resolution  of  the  series  adopted  by  this  Convention,  they 
magnanimously  admit  that  the  adopted  citizen  is  entitled  to  protection,  like 
the  native ;  and  they  take  the  poor  foreigner  into  their  especial  care  and 
keeping,  and,  strangely  enough,  select  as  his  guardian  and  protector  a  third 
degree  Know  Nothing.  Verily,  gentlemen,  this  is,  as  the  lawyers  would 
say,  "  quasi  .agnum  committere  lupo,  ad  devorandum." 

Really,  Mr,  President,  the  Opposition  seem  to  be  more  opposed  to  the 
political  acts  of  their  own  candidate  than  to  those  of  the  Democrats.  It  is 
certain  that  upon  two  of  the  lour  planks  in  their  platform  referred  to,  the 
Democrats  have  always  stood;  and  it  is  equally  certain,  that  upon  neither 
one  of  them  has  their  own  candidate  ever  stood.  No,  not  for  one  solitary 
moment  of  his  whole  life  up  to  the  time  of  the  meeting  of  their  convention. 

Again :  in  their  most  important  resolution  our  opponents  term  them- 
selves, with  a  self-satisfied  air  of  superior  excellence,  the  "  Conservative'' 
party';  and  in  the  self  same  moment  lay  hands  upon  the  very  pillars  of  our 
Constitution,  and  would  shake  that  venerated  fabric  to  its  basis.  They 
charge  the  Democrats  with  having,  to  use  their  own  language,  "annulled 
long  established  compromises  between  the  conflicting  interests  of  different 
sections,  broken  down  the  great  landmarks  of  policy  erected  by  our  fathers," 


11 


<&c.  And,  in  the  face  of  this  broad  charge,  without  a  blush  and  without 
shame,  they  themselves  propose  to  'annul'  a  most  solemn  compromise  here 
at  home,  and  to  'break  down'  the  "landmarks  of  policy  erected  by  our 
fathers,"  "to  reconcile  conflicting  interests  of  different  sections,"  and  to 
bring  peace  and  contentment  to  our  people.  They  propose  to  abrogate  a 
solemn  covenant  between  the  East  and  the  West,  made  and  entered  into 
by  the  most  illustrious  names  that  adorn  our  history  on  the  part  and  in  be- 
Tialf  of  the  whole  people  of  North-Carolina,  and  ratified  and  confirmed  by 
that  people.  To  this  covenant  Macon,  Gaston,  Toomer,  Fisher,  Owen, 
Spaight,  Wilson  and  Meares,  among  the  dead,  and  Branch,  Morehead,  Swain, 
JRayner,  Barringer,  Edwards,  Outlaw,  Biggs,  Gaither,  Graves  and  others, 
of  the  living,  were  the  high  contracting  parties. 

The  author  and  advocate  of  this  proposition  to  violate  a  solemn  cove- 
nant, (Mr,  Badger)  says: — "I  would  have  opposed  it  before  the  comprom- 
ise of  the  amended  Constitution  of  1835  had  been  violated  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  in  passing  the  bill  for  free  suffrage  in  the  Senate  of  the  State. 
We  were  all  bound  by  that  compromise ;  but  when  violated  on  the  one  part 
It  became  invalid  on  the  other,""  &c.  So,  the  gentleman  seems  to  have 
thought  his  position  required  an  explanation.  Most  certainly  it  did,  and  I 
am  nothing  loath  to  say,  a  much  better  one  than  he  has  given.  Without 
admitting  his  facts,  the  conclusion  to  which  he  arrived  is  neither  good  law 
nor  sound  morals.  The  violation  of  one  stipulation  in  a  covenant  is  not  an 
abrogation  of  all  others.  If  a  man  bind  himself  in  a  bond  to  perform  a 
oertain  labor,  and  to  pay,  also,  a  sum  of  money,  his  failure  to  perform  the 
labor  is  no  release  of  his  obligation  to  pay  the  money.  If  the  free  suffrage 
Act  was  a  wrong,  which  I  do  not  admit,  it  is  no  justification  for  the  perpe 
tration  of  another  wrong.  Sir,  from  the  day  that  the  Creator  himself  made 
a  covenant  with  Moses  and  Israel,  in  the  wilderness  of  Sinai,  covenants 
have  been  most  sacredly  revered  by  all  Christian  people ;  and  surely  none 
can  be  of  a  more  solemn  character,  and  more  binding  force,  than  one  made 
among  the  members  of  a  great  political  community,  to  prevent  internal 
discord  and  to  sesure  domestic  peace. 

I  view  this  compromise  in  our  Constitution  from  a  stand  point  higher 
than  any  mere  party  ground.  The  owners  of  slave  property  have  the  same 
right  to  claim  that  it  be  observed  as  to  ask  that  those  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  in  their  favor,  be  not  broken.  The  same  reasoning 
sustains  both.  If  the  one  falls,  upon  what  ground  shall  we  uphold  the 
other  ?  By  my  voice,  at  least,  it  shall  not  fall  Come  what  will,  I  shall 
stand  by  it ;  and  if,  as  predicted  by  my  opponents,  I  go  down  in  the  con- 
test, I  will,  at  all  events,  have  the  consolation  of  knowing  that  I  fall  in  the 
defence  of  the  Constitution  of  my  country, — that  Temple  of  Liberty  under 
whose  protecting  arches  three  generations  of  contented  and  happy  men 
have  lived,  and  prospered,  and  enjoyed  a  civil  liberty  without  a  parallel 
in  the  annals  of  free  peoples.  A  more  honorable  political  grave  I  could 
.not  expect,  and  certainly  do  not  desire. 


12 


But,  sir,  let  me  return  to  the  contradictions  of  our  opponents,  as  the 
catalogue  is  not  yet  exhausted.  They  highly  commend,  and  justly  too, 
their  members  in  Congress  for  voting  for  a  Democrat  to  beat  a  black  Re- 
publican, yet  they  refuse  to  do  the  same  thing  themselves,  out  of  Congress. 
They  say  to  their  members,  you  did  right  to  vote  for  a  Democrat  to  defeat 
an  Abolitionist ;  it  was  a  noble,  self-sacrificing  act,  an  offering  of  patriotism 
on  the  altar  of  country,  induced  by  a  love  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union,  but  for  the  life  of  us  we  can't  do  the  same  thing  ourselves.  We 
can't. march  up  to  that  point  of  patriotic  sacrifice  for  the  country,  although 
we  do   "march  to  the  music  of  the  Union." 

The  proposition  is  a  plain  one,  and  admits  of  no  alternative.  If  it  was 
important  to  defeat  a  black  Republican  Speaker,  it  is  still  more  important 
to  defeat  a  black  Republican  President.  If  the  Opposition  members  of 
Congress  did  right,  then  the  Opposition  members  of  this  Convention  did 
wrong — a  conclusion  from  which  there  is  no  escape.  I  am  reminded,  Mr. 
President,  by  this  resolution  of  thanks,  that  our  Opposition  Convention 
adjourned  without  finishing  up  their  business.  Yes,  sir,  carefully  as  was 
their  platform  gotten  up,  and  lengthy  as  is  their  series  of  resolves,  there 
occurs  in  their  proceedings  an  important  omission  to  which  I  will  advert. 
After  adopting  the  resolution  of  thanks  to  their  members  of  Congress,  it 
certainly  became  their  duty  and  hence  a  part  of  their  business  to  pass  also 
a  resolution  of  thanks  to  the  Hon.  John  Kerr,  Daniel  M.  Barringer,  James- 
W.  Osborne  and  a  host  of  other  good  and  true  Whigs,  who  from  a  sense 
of  public  duty  voted  for  Mr.  Buchanan  to  defeat  a  black  Republican  for 
President.  This,  sir,  is  a  part  of  the  unfinished  business  of  the  Grand 
Council  which  ought  certainly  to  be  performed,  and  that  speedily  by  the 
Subordinate  Lodges  throughout  the  State. 

Perhaps,  Mr.  President,  the  most  melancholy  spectacle,  in  all  the  pro- 
ceeding of  our  opponents,  is  that  exhibited  in  the  persons  of  two  grave  and 
venerable  Ex-Senators  coming  forward  to  illustrate  the  consistency  of  long 
lives  spent  in  the  advocacy  of  specific  taxes,  and  those,  too,  of  a  protective 
character,  by  speaking  for  and  voting  for  a  rigid,  unbending  and  uniform 
rule  of  ail  valorems — a  tax  upon  all  things  of  one  uniform  per  centage  on 
the  value.  Of  course  they  were  animated  by  no  desire  for  office, — no  not 
they,  the  Democrats  only  are  the  office  seekers, — they  were  impelled  to 
this  step,  doubtless,  merely  by  a  desire  to  unburthen  the  conscience  of  the 
conviction  of  a  great  political  error,  and  to  set  right  the  younger  genera- 
tion of  men,  whom,  all  their  life  long,  they  had  led  wrong, — a  sort  of  death- 
bed repentance,  as  it  were. 

One  of  these  gentlemen,  formerly  an  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the  Vice 
Presidency  and  now  seeking  the  honors  of  martyrdom  in  the  Presidential 
field,  is  himself  the  father  of  that  principle  of  discriminating  against  luxu- 
ries in  favor  of  articles  of  necessity  that  pervades  our  entire  revenue 
system.  This  offspring  was  born  of  his  message  of  1846,  in  which  he 
asked  the  Legislature  to  augment  the  revenue,  by  taxing  "pleasure  car- 


13 


riages,  gold  watches,"  and  "other  articles  of  luxury.''''  Now  he  comes 
forward  to  destroy  this  work  of  his  own  creation. 

He  says  now,  that  the  land  of  the  hard  working  man,  upon  which  he 
makes  a  subsistance  for  his  family,  the  growing  citizens  of  the  State,  should 
be  taxed  just  as  high  as  the  gold  and  silver  plate  that  decorates  the  abodes 
of  the  luxurious  ;  that  the  plough  horse  that  tills  the  crop  of  the  man  who 
eats  his  bread  "in  the  sweat  of  his  face,"  shall  be  taxed  as  much  as  the 
racer  of  the  man  of  pleasure ;  that  the  pleasure  carriage  and  the  road 
wagon ;  the  billiard  table  and  the  threshing  machine ;  the  pack  of  gam- 
bler's cards  and  the  family  bible ;  the  spirits  that  make  drunk  the  inebriate 
and  the  medicine  administered  to  the  sick,  shall  be  taxed  alike  under  one 
equal  horizontal  and  unbending  rule  of  ad  valorem.  Sir,  he  stands  not 
only  in  opposition  to  his  own  former  actions,  but  in  opposition  to  the 
lessons  taught  mankind  by  all  nations  in  the  past  history  of  the  world. 
For  this  assertion  I  plant  myself  upon  the  undoubted  truths  of  all  history. 
There  never  was,  never  will  be,  and  never  can  be,  a  people  governed  by 
such  a  system  of  taxation  as  these  two  distinguished  ex-Senators  now 
propose  for  us  here  in  North-Carolina.  This,  sir,  is  the  fruit  of  a  most 
sudden  conversion  from  extreme  error  in  the  opposite  direction,  not  an 
unfrequent  result  attending  over-sudden  conversions  in  one's  political  or 
religious  faith.  It  is  an  awkward  attempt  at  imitating  the  ad  valorem  tax- 
ation as  advocated  by  the  Democratic  party. 

The  Tariff  Act  of  1846,  will  show  the  striking  difference  between 
Democratic  and  Opposition  ad  valorem  taxation.  That  act  classifies  all 
imports,  taxing  each  class  ad  valorem,  but  discriminating  as  between  the 
classes,  and  contains  a  free  list  upon  which  there  is  no  tax.  For  instance, 
brandies,  spirits,  &c,  in  class  No.  1,  are  taxed  one  hundred  per  cent,  on 
their  value,  while  plaster  paris  and  other  fertilizers,  &c,  in  class  8,  are  taxed 
but  five  per  cent,  on  the  value ;  and  tea  and  coffee,  &c,  in  class  No.  9, 
are  not  taxed  at  all.  Such  is  the  nature  of  a  Democratic  ad  valorem  tax, 
adjusted  with  a  due  regard  to  the  varied  interests  of  the  people.  But  our 
opponents  in  their  sudden  conversion  to  the  ad  valorem  principle,  rush  into 
extremes  and  would  send  the  tax-gatherer  into  every  house,  with  inquisitorial 
powers,  exacting  with  a  relentless  hand,  a  tax  upon  every  species  of  pro- 
perty great  and  small ;  every  thing  that  we  eat,  drink  and  wear,  from 
the  time  we  come  into  the  world  until  we  go  out  of  it,  from  the  cradle  to 
the  grave, —  making  no  discrimination  between  necessaries  and  luxuries — 
those  things  that  are  essential  to  the  support  of  life  and  such  as  lead  to  vice 
and  idleness. 

Such,  sir,  is  this  ad  valorem  platform  of  our  opponents,  erected  by 
Senatorial  wisdom,  and  upon  which  they  have  planted  themselves  in  fancied 
security.  But  they  will  desert  it.  Before  the  summer's  sun  stands  erect 
in  the  heavens  every  mother's  son  of  them  will  scamper  from  it  as  rats  flee 
a  burning  barn. 


14 


But,  gentlemen,  the  crowning  contradiction  exhibited  by  this  Convention, 
is  yet  to  be  named.  Though  nine  tenths,  at  least,  of  its  members  were 
Americans,  they  nominate  as  their  first  choice  for  the  Presidency  a  gentle- 
man who  always  carefully  disavowed  any  connection  with  the  Order.  His 
public  communications  of  a  year  or  two  past,  invariably  contained  an  unos- 
tentatious little  expression,  somewhat  parenthetically  thrown  in,  as  if  merely 
to  adorn  a  sentence — "Though  not  a  member  of  the  Order."  Modest  as 
this  expression  appeared  at  the  time,  it  was  big  with  meaning,  and  like 
seed  sown  upon  good  ground  was  expected  some  day  to  "bring  forth  fruit." 
To  the  Americans  it  said,  "you  go  forward  and  if  you  get  your  fingers 
burnt  in  this  political  experiment,  then,  I  am  not  a  member  of  the  Order; 
but,  if  you  succeed,  I  am  with  you,  because  of  the  old  Whig  bond  of 
sympathy  between  us."  And  to  the  leaders  of  the  American  party  it  said, 
"heads  I  win,  tails  you  lose,"  and  so  indeed,  it  has  come  to  pass.  Where 
were  these  leaders  when  this  nomination  was  made  ?  And  above  all,  he  the 
most  gallant  and  the  most  eloquent,  whose  clarion  voice  led  their  columns 
to  the  charge,  rallied  them  in  the  repulse,  and  when  defeat  came  cheered 
their  drooping  spirits  in  their  disastrous  retreat,  and  when  exposed  to  the 
cold  and  pitiless  storms  of  adversity — and  cold  and  pitiless  they  were 
indeed — still  manfully  proclaimed  to  the  world,  "I  am  a  member  of  the 
Order."  All  superseded  for  one  who  always  said,  and  now,  doubtless 
greatly  rejoices,  that  he  never  was  a  member  of  the  Order.  Alas,  gentle- 
men, what  a  sad  forgetfulness  of  their  own  great  watchword,  "put  none  but 
Americans  on  guard  to  night  !" 

Such,  sir,  are  some  of  the  inconsistencies  and  contradictions  of  the  late 
Opposition  Convention.  But  in  one  particular  they  were  consistent  with 
all  their  former  conduct;  and  as  consistency  is  said  to  be  a  jewel,  it  is  but 
right  and  proper  that  this  their  jewel  should  be  allowed  to  shine  forth  in 
its  own  resplendent  brilliancy — a  sort  of  lone  star  in  their  political  firma- 
ment. In  their  proceedings  and  speeches  they  appropriate  the  choicest 
epithets  of  abuse  that  our  language  affords  to  the  Democratic  party ;  but 
not  one  harsh  saying  have  they  for  the  black  Republicans.  They  charge 
the  Democrats  with  the  most  heinous  crimes  and  misdemeanors,  yet  not 
even  a  "soft  impeachment"  of  the  Abolitionists  is  to  be  heard  from  them; 
and  in  this,  sir,  at  least,  they  are  consistent  with  themselves. 

Among  their  charges  against  the  Democrats,  is  one  of  grave  import. 
They  charge  that  we  have  caused  the  present  agitation  throughout  the 
country,  and  brought  discord  among  a  quiet  and  contented  people,  by  the 
repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line.  When  the  orators  of  the  Conven- 
tion hurled  this  blow  at  the  Democracy,  there  was  a  gentleman  of  their  own 
number,  who,  doubtless,  with  no  little  trepidation  dodged,  lest  it  might  fall 
upon  his  own  head.  A  very  prominent  ex-Senator  among  them,  spoke  for 
and  voted  for  the  repeal  of  this  lamented  Missouri  line.  A  fact  beyond  all 
controversy,  however,  illy  it  may  comport  with  that  other  fact  that  the 
same  gentleman  penned  that  charge  in  their  bill  of  indictment,   that  the 


15 


Democrats  had  "annulled  long  established  compromises  between  conflicting 
interests"  &c. 

Sir,  there  is  a  plain  fact  to  which  the  attention  of  the  country  should  be 
called.  Our  opponents  say,  the  Democratic  party  must  be  put  down.  So 
says  Wm.  H.  Seward.  In  his  Rochester  speech,  he  says :  "  The  Democratic 
party  must  be  permanently  dislodged  from  the  government.  The  reason 
is,  that  the  Democratic  party  is  inextricably  committed  to  the  designs  of  the 
slavefiolders" 

It  matters  nothing  as  to  the  motives  of  men  who  are  working  to  accom- 
plish the  same  end.  And  if  this  end  be  accomplished  ;  if  the  Democratic 
party  does  go  down,  does  not  the  whole  world  know  that  upon  its  ruins 
will  be  established  the  abolition  party  ? 

Such,  Mr.  President,  is  this  party  of  opposites.  But,  their  opposition 
will  prove  unavailing.  The  minds  of  the  people  cannot  be  diverted  from 
the  true  issue  before  the  country.  The  safety  of  our  property,  and  the 
repose  of  the  republic,  depend  upon  the  result.  Greater  incentives  to  united 
and  harmonious  action  could  not  be  presented  to  the  minds  of  freemen. 
They  will  produce  their  results.  They  will  arouse  that  love  of  country 
inherent  in  the  American  heart,  and  which  is  never  found  wanting  when 
that  country  is  endangered.  Personal  rivalries  and  party  differences  will 
alike  disappear,  as  the  fight  thickens  and  the  danger  approaches.  The 
arts  of  the  politician  will  then  lose  their  charm,-  and  the  people — Opposition 
and  Democratic — will  stand  together  in  serried  ranks  tinder  the  banner  of 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union.  Be  of  good  cheer,  my  fellow-citizens,  the 
battle  is  for  the  country  and  not  for  party ;  and  as  the  object  for  which  we 
fight  is  great,  our  victory  will  be  glorious. 


[Extract  from  the  Debates  of  the  Contention  of  l8$5.—Page  82.]' 

"  Mr.  Swain  thought  the  views  of  the  gentleman  from  Burke  entirely 
erroneous ;  he  knew  they  Were  not  the  Views  df  the  Western  members  of 
the  Legislature,  who  last  winter  effected  a  compromise  of  the  Convention. 
One  leading  principle  was  to  provide  against  unequal  taxation.  What  he 
understood  by  equalizing  the  tax  between  black  and  white  polls  was  not 
to  disturb  the  periods  as  now  fixed,  between  which  the  poll  shall  be  subject 
to  taxation ;  but  to  say  that  if  a  white  poll  (male  between  21  and  45)  pays 
20  cents  tax,  a  black  poll  (male  or  female  between  12  and  50)  shall  pay  no 
more  nor  less  than  that  sum.  As  representation  in  the  Senate  is  to  be 
based  upon  taxation,  the  West  would  diminish  her  representation  in  that 
body  by  making  the  tax  larger  on  the  black  than  the  white  poll — and  the 
representation  from  the  East  would  be  inereased  in  the  same  ratio,  their 
slave  population  being  proportionally  greater. 

After  some  further  remarks  Mr.  Gaither  withdrew  his  amendment,  the 
Committee  rose,  reported  progress,  and  the  Convention  adjourned." 


